Lecture 10: The Return of Neoliberal Capitalism

Introduction 

In this lecture we will seek to answer three questions:

  • Why the wealth-income ratio has returned to historically high levels?
  • Why it is structurally higher in Europe than the USA?
  • What does this suggest about the future of wealth accumulation in the advanced industrial economies of the western world?

The determinant of wealth/income ratio

To answer these questions we have to identify the determinants of the capital/income ratio over the long-term.

Piketty’s core claim is that the capital/income ratio is related to the savings rate and growth rate.

The relationship is so strong that he calls it the second ‘law’ of capitalism,  β = s / g .

β = s / g means that the capital/income ratio is equal to the savings rate divided by the economic growth rate.

  • β = capital/income ratio
  • S = savings rate
  • G = growth rate

If a country saves 12 percent of its national income every year and it’s economy grows by 2 percent, the long-run capital income ratio = 600% (12 divided by 2).

Basically a country that saves a lot, and grows slowly, will accumulate a large stock of capital relative to income. In turn, this will have a significant effect on the structure of society and the distribution of wealth.

For Piketty, low growth and a higher-savings rate (by households and corporates) is responsible for the variation in the capital/income ratio between Europe and the USA, and the main explanation for rising capital/income ratios since WW2 (in the long run).

If the economic growth rate falls to 1 percent and the savings rate remains 12 percent, β will equal 12 years national income or 1200% (12 divided by 1). But if the rate growth increases to 3 percent then β will equal 4 years income, or 400% (12 divided by 4).

For Piketty, this is the long term driver of wealth accumulation.

Note: I tend to disagree. Political institutions are, arguably, far more important in  explaining the distributive effects of economic growth, whilst asset price fluctuations (price effect) are just as important as the volume effect (savings rate).

Piketty’s argument arguably applies in the very, very long, but it is not a very useful mechanisms to explains the dynamics of global financial capitalism in 21st century.

But it all depends on the time period under examination. Asset prices matter more in the short run (30 years), but maybe less so over the long run (100 years). Hence, it is questionable whether “laws” across time/space exist at all. It’s all about politics.

The case of Ireland

But what does all of this mean, in real terms, for the structure of political economy ?

Is it not the case that a high capital/income ratio, and a large stock of wealth, benefits society? Does it not imply that there will be more investment and more jobs?

Not necessarily. It all depends on the distribution of capital, and whether or not the owners of societal resources have the incentive to use capital productively. This brings us back to the conflict between public and private capital in a democracy.

For example, a country will not gain from a large wealth/income ratio if it is all tied in up in housing capital (i.e. rising house prices that make homes unaffordable are not necessarily a sign of a developed democracy).

From a political perspective, if wealth is concentrated in a few hands, then the economic resources of a society are not efficiently distributed. It is not likely to be put to productive use. It might be hoarded by the rich to consume luxury goods.

Think about it another way, how much of Ireland’s capital from 1998-2008 was invested in productive investment?

Between 2000-2008, the total capital stock in Ireland increased from  €228 to €477 billion. According to Davy Stockbrokers only €50 billion was spent productively.

72 percent of the increase (or  €188 billion) went into housing.

Of the €50 billion that went into productive investment, two thirds of it (€33bn), was invested by the state: roads, education, energy, water-waste management.

Productive private sector investment (those investments that contribute to long-term productivity gains, and hence long-term improvements in living standards) made up a meagre €17bn of the total capital stock.

Davy Stockbrokers conclude that the Irish private sector, during the boom years of the Celtic Tiger, for the most part, wasted valuable societal resources. Today, the capital stock is rising again, and once again it is almost entirely driven by the rise in house prices.

See the CSO data.

The two supposed ‘laws’ of capital

β = s / g provides a logical historical account of the structural evolution of capital. It’s worth studying, and considering. So let’s take it for granted, for the moment.

The US has a higher demographic growth rate and lower savings rate than Europe, leading to a lower capital-income ratio.

It is important to note that this matters in the very long-run. The real accumulation of wealth takes time, particularly at the country-level. History will matter a lot.

Further, it is only valid if asset prices evolve in tandem with consumer prices. This means that it assumes that capitalism, in the long run, is a stable market economy, and not driven by boom-bust cycles (see Hyman Minsky).

It is also dependent on certain assumptions about the savings rate (s).

Furthermore, it does not explain the short-term shocks to capital, and the short term fluctuations in wealth/prices (which are deeply political!).

Capital income

But how do we explain the amount of income that accrued from the ownership of capital/property, and how much of this is included in national income (i.e. the amount of income that comes from the ownership of property as opposed to wages)?

Piketty proposes another “law” to explain this.

He says that the ratio of capital income in national income (a) is equal to the average rate of return of capital (r) times the capital/income ratio.

a = 30 percent, when r=5 and β=6

We can write this as follows: α = r X β  Note: it is a pure accounting identity.

Capital since 1970

Figure 5.3 indicates the annual change to private capital in the eight richest countries from 1970-2010.

For Piketty this data suggests that β varies constantly in the short-run but tends toward an equilibrium in the long run.

Capital asset prices (stocks, finance and housing prices) are  volatile. They can make a country look wealthy. But over the long-run, for Piketty, these balance out.

This is a standard liberal classical economic assumption.

But the price of capital is not a ‘natural’ phenomena. It is a human construct. Think about the different valuation of German firms vis-a-vis US firms.

In the study of political economy there is a tradition, which can be traced back to Hyman Minsky that suggests the fluctuation in boom-bust cycles of wealth is consubstantial with the history of capitalism itself. Markets are defined as erratic, not in equilibrium.

This is because the ownership of economic resources, and who stakes a claim to national income and national wealth is conflictual, not harmonious.

Just think about the impact of central banks quantitative easing (QE) on the price of assets since 2008, and the impact this has had on wealth accumulaiton.

Or think about the Japanese speculative bubble in the 1990s, and the bursting of the dot-com bubble in the US in the early 2000’s.

Discuss:

Is Piketty right to assume there is a long-term trend toward an equilibrium in the capital/income ratio?

Moving on…

What the data does reveals, however, is that since 1970 private capital has returned. Piketty calls it the re-emergence of patrimonial capitalism (the original title of the book).

Keep in mind Piketty’s critique: he is suggesting that wealth matters more than hard work in shaping the politics of distribution today.

There are three reasons for this return of capital (measured in terms of higher capital/income ratios):

  1. Slower economic growth and higher savings (primarily retained corporate earnings) – long-term
  2. The privatisation of public wealth since the 1970’s – short-term
  3. The acceleration of real estate and stock market prices since the 1990’s – short-term

Savings since 1970

Table 5.1 indicates the average value of growth rates and savings rates in the eight richest countries from 1970-2010.

The lower population growth and the higher savings rate in Europe and Japan explains why wealth-income ratios are higher in these regions of the world, when compared to the USA.

Over a period of 40 years, these savings and growth differentials will accumulate and create deep structural differences within societies (remember the importance of the compound rate of growth-interest). This is an automatic consequence of β = s / g 

It is crucial to note that that there are two components to private savings: corporate (retained earnings) and households.

See table 5.2 for the percentage difference in these savings rates within national income. Note the big differences between the UK/USA and Germany.

Retained earnings are profits of a company that are not distributed to shareholders.

They allow companies to reinvest in themselves; rather than pay out profits as dividends to their shareholders, which are usually more heavily taxed.

In the last few years, Silicon Valley increasingly use their profits as “share buybacks”. Basically, they buy their own shares to drive up the stock (market value) of their firms.

Privatisation 

The second complementary factor that explains the comeback of capital is privatization. 

Figure 5.5 shows the ratio of public and private capital to national income in the eight richest countries of the world. The data suggests that the revival of private wealth is partially due to the privatization of public wealth.

  • The decrease in public wealth equals approximately an increase of around one fifth or one quarter the increase in private wealth.

The case of Italy is particularly clear.

This reflects an increase in the debt owned by one portion of the Italian population, and their claim on another portion of the population.

Instead of the wealthy paying taxes to fund the deficit they lend government money at interest – increasing their own private wealth.

At a global level, the most extensive privatizations took place in the former Soviet Bloc.

The stock of capital in these countries was the same in the 1970’s and 2000’s (3-4 times national income) but the public-private split was completely reversed.

The rise of Russian Oligarchs obviously had nothing to do with the β = s / g  and was purely driven by privatization (and asset stripping), and close state-business ties.

Again, it was about politics.

The rebound of asset prices

The third complementary factor that explains the comeback of capital  is the historic rebound of asset prices, associated with global financial liberalisation.

The increase in asset prices from 1950-2010, largely compensated for the decline in asset-prices from 1910-1950.

The price of capital-assets is heavily influenced by political decisions, policy choices, and economic institutions, such as rental control laws (real estate) and corporate governance laws (corporations), and the liberalisation of capital accounts.

Remember our discussion about Germanylast week. There is no such thing as a natural market price. Private property is a human regulatory-legal construct.

Multinational corporations can be conceived as aggressive profit seeking business actors that actively shape the market in their own interest, or they can be conceived as functional utility maximisers, improving economic efficiency.

It all depends on your political and normative perspective.

We don’t know where capital prices are headed in the future. For example, we don’t know if house prices will tumble. But we do know that they cannot increase indefinitely.

This is why many critics of Piketty argue that he is overly reliant on the concept of “equilibrium” and does not appreciate the boom-bust nature of the capitalist cycle.

Prices as a human construct 

The market value of a firm is its stock market capitalization.

The accounting value of a firm is it’s assets (such as buildings) minus liabilities, net of debt. These are usually the same when a company is created. But they diverge over time.

The divergence is largely dependent upon whether financial markets are pessimistic or optimistic about the profitability of the company.

The ratio between market and book value is known as Tobin’s Q. This has tended to increase in all rich countries.

The main point to remember is that:

  • The rebound in capital-asset prices (stocks and real estate), since the 1970’s, accounts for between one third and one quarter of the increase in the capital/income ratio (but with significant variations between countries).

In terms of the capital/income ratio, Japan set the record set in 1990, but was recently beaten by Spain, where private capital equalled 8 times national income.

In both cases, the rapid rise in wealth/income ratios can be explained by the emergence of a housing-property bubble. Ireland was similar.

Summary 

Hence, for Piketty the comeback of capital, measured by rising wealth/income ratios, can be explained primarily by (1) and complemented by (2) and (3).

  1. Slower growth, higher savings (primarily retained corporate earnings) – long-term
  2. Privatisation of public wealth since the 1970’s – short-term
  3. Acceleration of real estate and stock market prices since the 1990’s – short-term

In popular discourse, the political and policy choices that liberalised the market, and enabled a return and rise of private capital is often referred to as “neoliberalism”.

Global imbalances

Finally, it is important to note that the sharp increase in national capital is primarily an increase in domestic capital.

Figure 5.7 shows that it is only really Germany and Japan that have accumulated net foreign assets. This accounts for between 50-70 percent of their national income (and an automatic consequence of their large trade surpluses).

International cross-national investments are particularly important in Europe. If we look at capital flows within the Eurozone, post-2000, we get a pretty disturbing picture.

In a global world of financialisation and cross-border capital movements every country, to some extent, is owned by another country to some extent.

Net international investment positions reflect this.

In the 1970’s, the total amount of financial assets and liabilities owned by households and firms barely exceeded four times national income. By 2010 this had increase to a staggering 15-20 times national income.

Within Europe this inevitably leads to perceptions that countries (Greece) are owned by other countries, such as ‘German banks’.

Ireland’s net international investment position is staggering.

This is primarily because of the impact of the IFSC. These debts-liabilities are in part related to fictious financial flows, associated with corporate tax avoidance strategies.

Conclusion

How important are ideas in explaining the politics of economic change?

To conclude, what about the future?

What will the global capital-income ratio be in 2050? The law β = s / g implies that it will logically rise and could reach 19th century levels by the end of the 21st century.

See figure 5.8.

The lecture slides can be downloaded here.lecture-10

Advertisements

Leave a Reply

Fill in your details below or click an icon to log in:

WordPress.com Logo

You are commenting using your WordPress.com account. Log Out /  Change )

Google+ photo

You are commenting using your Google+ account. Log Out /  Change )

Twitter picture

You are commenting using your Twitter account. Log Out /  Change )

Facebook photo

You are commenting using your Facebook account. Log Out /  Change )

Connecting to %s